Fondazione De Gasperi - EU Foundations: "International Round Table Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman"
NEW EU INTEGRATION
Speech
delivered by Hon. Franco Frattini
The global crisis, whose contagion has spread progressively from
finance to sovereign debt, and therefore to states, with a particularly
virulent effect on the euro-zone, is obviously not a subject of study and work
exclusively for economists.
We are, in fact, dealing
with of a political crisis
– i.e., the capacity of government, and policies to which states in Europe and
beyond, along with their respective ruling classes, have dedicated themselves
in recent years.
It is a crisis that challenges the role of Europe in the world and its ability to defend the
extraordinary results achieved during the decades-long integration process.
And yet, if the
lack of effective supranational governance capable of immediate response in the
face of events is one of the major weaknesses at issue, then equally serious,
and thus far less elaborated, is the lack of a plan coming from political families
in Western democracies that could contribute to change.
Furthermore, a crisis of
public confidence has blown.
This crisis is evident from all the latest surveys, in the economy, in the
future, in the benefits of EU integration, in EU membership, even in the euro
and in the free market.
People are very worried
about joblessness, inflation and public debt, and their fears are fuelling much of the uncertainty and
negativity.
In
the first place, this crisis should impose (or rather, should have already
imposed) an adjustment of recipes that the preponderant ongoing change has
rendered obsolete.
The
recipes inspired by liberalism, or by pre-globalization liberism, no longer
work. The crisis will not be short, nor will its effects disappear soon after a
return to normality.
In 2008, the
“orthodox” wing of the US Republican party strongly opposed a government rescue
after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, and reacted negatively when Treasury
Secretary Henry Paulson, with the clear support of President Bush – as well as
the support of the Democratic opposition – decided to seek an emergency bailout
fund to keep the contagion from affecting the liquidity of small and medium –
sized businesses and millions of American citizens.
Similarly
in Europe, German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Party is
experiencing a tough debate over the possibility and usefulness of going beyond
“the German path” of rigor and accountability “at all costs” and ensuring the
survival of the euro-zone, in a context of stronger European governance, with
financial measures and stimulus packages aiming at promoting growth.
So today EU democracies are dealing with the problem
of not “whether” to save Europe, but “how” to save it – by first reducing
the deficit, or by dismantling an ideological barrier, which had marked the red
line of “no public spending”, without considering how these days, even given
the necessary rigor, the market is no longer able to regulate itself.
Indeed,
markets without rules (or with the rules of international speculation) often
point at the heart of states, their debt, and therefore at the euro (and
beyond).
The Greek and French elections’
results show on one hand that blind austerity policies with no attention to
growth are unacceptable, and on the other that reactions of voters tend to go
beyond traditional political families and to support extremist, anti State and
anti Europe parties (GREECE).
I
am convinced that a reasonable political “exchange” shared by a large part of
public opinion may consist in accepting a “transfer of national sovereignty”,
even in crucial areas such as economic governance, thereby gaining a guarantee
of “protection” from the crisis and its long-term effects, which would mean for
families and businesses the opportunity to return to planning for the future.
At
the bottom of this crisis, there are also elements to consider beyond the
typical dynamics of speculation now known to the wider public.
The West, for example, has
lost the undisputed “technological superiority” that for decades it has used to maintain
its position.
Today, knowledge
– and therefore the dissemination and sharing of technologies – travels around
the world instantaneously.
New competitive players
have emerged. The West
has lost the traditional advantage of “first comer”.
Even
the dynamics of the labour market at a global level have changed radically.
It
is now a reality that highly skilled workers are much less expensive outside of
Western countries. And this, again, implies the significant loss of the West’s
advantageous position, at the expense of workers – especially young people, and
trained professionals in such countries, such as Italy, that have contributed
to the process of European integration. If we want to listen to people, rather
just to elites, we need to consider how this rampant global change has contributed
to a different interpretation of the very concept of popular support, which is
the basis for any representative democracy.
Consensus, which is the source of legitimacy has more and more
frequently become the goal of political and institutional actions.
The
race to gain segments of electorate, however, often involves the danger of
caving in on issues of principle. Already during the post-war period the
warning of Alcide De Gasperi, a founding father of Europe, was emblematic in
this regard: “A politician looks at the next election. A statesman looks to the
next generation.”
And
so, too often the political families and parties who support governments have
created public debt to obtain the consensus of voters. In doing so, however,
the price of today’s electoral support will have to be paid by the generations
of tomorrow!
For a modern democracy in
the West, therefore, it will be wise in reviewing the ideological rigidities of
some socio-economic recipes to return to the principles that the social market
economy indicates not only for the established democracies, but also for those
that are still evolving.
Vision,
reforms, fiscal rigor, on the mid/long term perspective are the key, above all,
because European constraints and a sense of responsibility will not allow for a
repeat of the vicious circle of spending and tax increases that have already
led Italy to accumulate the third highest public debt in the world along with
intolerable levels of taxation.
The
GOLDEN RULE zero deficit for the national budget has been, for instance,
already introduced into the Italian Constitution. This rule should become a
clear guideline everywhere, even though in Italy a large majority is wondering
whether anticipating zero deficit principle from 2014 to 2013 ð more than what the other M.S. have done
so far – has been a decision that could be mitigated or compensated by some
measures of flexibility on calculation on the deficit of percentage of sectors
of investments spendings.
Development and growth are in fact urgent and necessary as the
wealth-creating engine restarts with strategies that are not only of an
emergency nature, but intended to increase production and support business,
which would result in higher employment.
Innovation,
research, investment on youth and in education are further elements that
moderate and pro-European political families should consider a top priority.
The
role of SME should also be emphasized by guaranteeing a positive environment
for investments, low taxation, flexible labour market, use of banking
liquidity, liberalisation and countering protectionism.
EUROBONDS and PROJECT BONDS are necessary to promote investments. In
the light of the FRENCH elections, an Italian bridging role on reconciling
austerity and growth, and proposing innovative ideas is more than ever needed.
All these proposals
can be translated into united EU decisions only if political governance and
action, at EU level, will replace bureaucratic analysis or initiatives coming
from non-
elected
leaders. I hope EU leaders will take
decisive steps in that direction already at next EU Council.
I
mean, 20 years and more after Maastricht, a political union is badly needed.
One, with the strength coming form hundreds of thousands of voters, electing
not only members of the European Parliament but maybe also the President of the
EU Commission, and thus legitimizing the executive EU body like a “true”
governing entity.
Would
this step be enough or the dream of United States of Europe should become soon
a reality?
My
opinion is that either we go ahead with strong and visionary projects, or we
fail to respond to the growing disaffection from the public opinion towards
politics and EU institutions. But one thing is clear. Europeans cannot wait for
growth proposals until treaties will be amended.
We have to act now on concrete measures!
Since
globalization has deeply marked the cultural and ethnical barriers that have
existed until a few years ago, a deep reflection on the concept of identity,
our own and others, in the multicultural world is also indispensable and
urgent.
Also here more Europe is needed!!
For
a modern EU democracy, in particular, this means using every tool for dialogue
with others, but at the same time affirming rigor and firmness in the defense
of essential and no-negotiable values and principles.
The human person above all
else: human dignity and human rights.
And
religious freedom, protection of minorities from abuse and discrimination –
which , for example, has seen millions of Christians forced to flee the regions
and countries where they grew up.
An open
immigration policy for the effective integration in the economic and social
fabric of our countries, based on respect for the laws, but also on the value
that should be attributed to each person, especially the poor and the weak.
The economic crisis is
showing that risks but also opportunities are interconnected.
Thus,
this condition should lead to find common interests pursuing them together and
joining forces beyond the old concept of security.
Hence,
the EURO-ATLANTIC SPACE should be built and consolidated also to explore the
common opportunities brought by the crisis.
It
may be useful in this context to compare our weight and that of China, India,
and the others emerging powers currently and in the next 20 years.
Instead
of speculating about G2 US - CHINA, we should try to better synchronize EU
(included Russia) - US perspectives.
Statements
from President Obama on EU/US cooperation to face the crisis, and frequent
consultations between the two shores of Atlantic show that awareness to broaden
the scope of our historical ties is there.
This
coordination would integrate and strengthen a broad concept of security in the
globalised world.
Security
means thinking global and pooling resources or leading processes instead of
reaching to wake-up calls coming from the emerging world.
The
challenge is important everywhere and by no means easy. We all need not only
foresight and vision, but also the passion of ideas that guided the founding
fathers of Europe, which today, in the political atmosphere of confrontation
and mutual delegitimization, is at risk of vanishing.
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Pubblicato da Franco Frattini
il giorno 14.6.12. per la sezione
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